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The Union government’s move to include caste enumeration in the upcoming Census marks a significant shift in national policy. This decision comes on the heels of state-led caste surveys by Bihar, Karnataka, and Telangana—each shaping the political and social landscape with fresh data that could influence welfare schemes and electoral strategies.
While the central government’s announcement was hailed by some as a historic corrective step, it was also seen as a response to mounting pressure from states that had already taken the lead. Among these, Bihar was governed by a Congress-backed coalition at the time of its survey, while Karnataka and Telangana are both Congress-ruled today.
Bihar: Numbers That Changed the Narrative
Bihar was the first to officially take the plunge. In February 2020, its Assembly passed a unanimous resolution calling for a national caste census. Then Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, heading the Mahagathbandhan coalition, played a key role in pushing for it.
Even the BJP, part of Bihar’s political ecosystem at the time, joined the effort. A delegation comprising members from across parties, including the BJP, had met Prime Minister Modi in 2021 to press for a nationwide caste count.
With little progress at the Centre, the Bihar government undertook its own survey. The results, made public on October 2, 2023, revealed that OBCs and EBCs together made up more than 63% of the population.
The state’s total population was reported at 13.07 crore. Of that, OBCs accounted for 3.54 crore (27%) and EBCs for 4.7 crore (36%). Forward castes were recorded at 15.5%, Scheduled Castes (SCs) at 20%, and Scheduled Tribes (STs) at 1.6%.
Beyond caste numbers, the survey exposed grim economic realities. More than one-third of families in Bihar were found to be living on Rs 200 a day. Among SC households, that proportion climbed to nearly 44%.
Out of approximately 2.97 crore families in Bihar, over 94 lakh (34.13%) earned Rs 6,000 or less monthly—below the poverty line threshold in the state. Educational data showed that just 7% of Bihar’s population held graduate degrees, reflecting the depth of the state’s unemployment crisis.
The Modi government’s decision was warmly received by Bihar’s political leadership. JD(U), now an NDA partner, credited Nitish Kumar for laying the foundation with the state’s survey. JD(U) leader Sanjay Kumar Jha said the move would lead to more targeted programmes for deprived groups.
Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) chief Chirag Paswan called it a vital step for the country, stating that his party had consistently advocated for caste-based data collection.
Telangana: A Political Shift Rooted in Caste Awareness
Telangana’s survey had a wide scope—encompassing caste, socio-economic status, and political participation. The report placed the population of Backward Classes (BCs) at 56.33%, SCs at 17.43%, and STs at 10.45%. Other Castes (OC) were estimated at 15.79%.
In actual numbers, BCs made up nearly 2 crore people, including over 35 lakh BC Muslims. SCs were about 61.8 lakh and STs close to 37 lakh. OC communities accounted for just over 44 lakh residents.
The total Muslim population was listed at 44.57 lakh, or 12.56% of the population. Among them, 10.08% were BC Muslims and 2.48% OC Muslims.
Covering 96.9% of households in just 50 days, the survey had been a major Congress campaign promise for the 2023 Telangana Assembly elections. The party’s landslide win over the BRS was partly credited to the support of BC communities such as Gouds, Munnuru Kapus, and Yadavs.
These communities have emerged as a powerful voting bloc. Political parties are increasingly tailoring their outreach to address their demands, especially regarding political representation.
In the last Assembly election, the BRS allotted 22 seats to BC candidates, while Congress and BJP fielded 34 and 45 BC candidates, respectively.
Reacting to the Centre’s new caste census announcement, Telangana Chief Minister Revanth Reddy said the move validated his state’s forward-thinking approach. He remarked, “What Telangana does today, India will follow tomorrow.” He also described it as a moment of pride for the Congress, noting that “Rahul Gandhi’s vision has become a policy even in Opposition”.
Karnataka: A Data-Driven Dilemma
Karnataka’s caste survey journey was more delayed and politically complicated. Commissioned during Chief Minister Siddaramaiah’s first term in 2015, the Socio-Economic and Education Survey’s findings were only submitted this February, years later, during his second tenure.
The delay was partly due to internal concerns within the Congress. Dominant communities such as Lingayats and Vokkaligas dismissed the findings as “unscientific and outdated.” Deputy CM D K Shivakumar, himself a Vokkaliga, opposed the report’s release.
Despite this, a Congress resolution at its April 2024 AICC session in Ahmedabad reiterated support for caste-based surveys. Citing Telangana’s example, the party advocated a national caste census.
Eventually, the Siddaramaiah Cabinet reviewed the findings on April 11. The survey revealed a startling figure—OBCs constituted 69.6% of the state’s population, far higher than earlier estimates. The report recommended raising the OBC quota from 32% to 51%.
Within that, Vokkaligas and Lingayats—beneficiaries under categories III A and III B—were estimated to be only 12.2% and 13.6%, lower than the widely assumed 17% and 15%. The report proposed raising their share under the II B category to improve reservation benefits.
However, the figures stirred fresh anxieties. Political representation and ticket allocation could face major realignments based on these population shifts.
Congress now finds itself walking a tightrope. Of its 136 MLAs in Karnataka, 37 are Lingayats and 23 are Vokkaligas. In the 2023 elections, it had fielded 51 Lingayat candidates.
The report also proposed a 7 percentage point hike in II A reservation—from 15% to 22%—benefiting communities such as Kurubas, to which CM Siddaramaiah belongs. A new Most Backward Classes (MBC) category, I B, was also recommended, suggesting a 12% quota specifically carved out from the II A category.
This move sparked further dissent. A senior Congress leader noted that Kurubas were receiving “preferential treatment”.
Due to mounting opposition, the state cabinet’s April 17 meeting ended without a conclusion. A follow-up is now scheduled for May 9.
Siddaramaiah has publicly welcomed the Centre’s caste census decision, urging the government to “adopt the Karnataka model” by also including data on economic and educational status.
Andhra Pradesh: A Promise That Didn’t Materialise
In Andhra Pradesh, the previous government led by Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy had announced a caste census beginning January 19, 2024. The goal, as stated, was to “transform the living standards of people”.
However, according to officials from the current Telugu Desam Party (TDP), the promised report never saw the light of day. The YSRCP blamed the imposition of the Model Code of Conduct for the delay, citing the concurrent Assembly and Lok Sabha elections.
With caste surveys becoming a political hotbed and tool for policy design, Andhra’s stalled effort stands in contrast to the strides made by Bihar, Telangana, and Karnataka.
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